I am not going to refer much to the events, to the news, but to the characteristics and problems of this aspect of imperialist action, because the purpose of our seminar is to work with problems, with ways of identifying, understanding and confronting them. When we say "political strategy of imperialism" we are dividing our theme, a practice that is necessary in every study; here the economic strategy of imperialism, the strategy with the media, the military strategy, the international strategy will be analyzed; Those are the general issues. But we do not forget that in reality it does not happen that way, aspects do not exist or work separately. To win economic goals the imperialists undertake military and political actions, to win political goals they carry out economic actions, to keep everyone deceived they use their means of communication, in order to get one to agree with their military, political or political strategy. economic, from what is learned and unlearned in the media. That is, in the study we separate by aspects, in reality all this must be composed again.
As I have the first aspect, I beg you to take all this into account. By analyzing and debating the following, you will always have the possibility to see what I have to say, what a phenomenon looks like from another angle, or what I was wrong about. To study you have to go in parts. The Mexicans, who also know how to be nice, say: "let's go in parts, as the quacker said."
As I have the first aspect, I beg you to take all this into account. By analyzing and debating the following, you will always have the possibility to see what I have to say, what a phenomenon looks like from another angle, or what I was wrong about. To study you have to go in parts. The Mexicans, who also know how to be nice, say: "let's go in parts, as the quacker said."
Those who explain something to others always have a position, their position. Those who say they have none, or are hiding their position to better influence others, or acquired a professional illness: to really believe they do not have a position. They don't know they have it. That is why sometimes there are those who are a follower of imperialism, but do not know it. I have an anti-capitalist position. It is not the same as being opposed to neoliberalism, a word that has two meanings in my opinion: a) it identifies the prevailing ideology in the capitalist field today, with its claim to be a new liberalism that proclaims market sovereignty, competition and success, when in reality today demand, supply, consumption, production, investment, credit, failure and success of individuals, social groups and countries are strongly subject to the system of supercentralized domination and parasitic capitalism has become; and b) the ruthless economic and social policy that is exercised against the peoples in the name of alleged inexorable economic laws, without which no country is supposed to survive.
The realities we live are very different, and even opposed, to what the neoliberal ideology proclaims. But she is a reality, exists and enjoys an enormous influence, even more so because of the long stage of defeat and defense we have gone through. Therefore, the main struggle should not be established against neoliberalism, which is a part or a form, but against the system as a whole, which is capitalism. But it is very important to understand the mobilizing and awareness capacity of the fight against neoliberalism, because it has become a visible enemy and no one who advances a little and is a decent person can defend it. And without beginning to move forward and gather forces we will not go anywhere. Therefore, it is still very important to denounce neoliberalism and unite in the fight against it all those who are willing to participate, even if they do not recognize the complete nature of the system, or are not yet willing to fight it. In this way we will also be able to distinguish where we are going, who we are with, what stage we are living, without believing ourselves wise, or infallible, but with a clear idea of ​​our objectives and the movement as a whole.
Imperialism is our main enemy, it is the form of development that world capitalism has assumed for more than a century, and through it it was incorporating into its domination - within the enormous differences of each one - to regions and countries, to world scale. It is a serious mistake not to notice that each country has its own capitalism. However, imperialism - as world capitalism - has an immense weight in each country, is decisive for much of the life of each society, and is very influential or conditions much of the rest. We cannot lose sight of what imperialism in general is like and how it works, how it has neocolonized most of the planet and looted and squatted it, differently from the colonial form, and then investigate and know how it does it specifically in each country, what are you looking for, how do you act, what facilities do you encounter and what difficulties do you face?
When we consider Latin America and the Caribbean as a whole, the issue becomes more complicated. Although in certain essential aspects - and in many others - our continent is a real entity, at the same time it contains enormous diversities. Each country has its own structures and history, its population composition and its specific forms of social organization, its cultural accumulation, its ideas about things and roads. The national State is the most visible and transcendent concretion of each country. It is closely linked to the founding of independent entities in the colonial regions that Europe implanted in America, mostly for about one hundred and eighty years. That is a much longer historical period, with respect to colonialism, than those of the States of Asia and Africa, although in several areas of the so-called Third World there were state entities since before there were in Europe, or coinciding in time with the formation of European states. Through very rich and different stories, national cultures were shaped in those States, which were specified in national exclusivisms, and even opposed on numerous occasions. Today we are Latin American from our belongings to a specific nation. But the historical fact that these national entities were born of anti-colonial revolutions has tremendous value, and in them the ideas and actions of the American continental character were very important. That is, the midwife was the revolution, not the evolution. The Venezuelans fought in Ayacucho, and both Bolívar and Hidalgo or Martí considered that they were undertaking a continental struggle. That is an invaluable inheritance that is in our favor.
Within each national entity there are always classes and social groups, there are many different diversity of origin and different types, which have their identities, motivations, interests and demands, although they have been more or less unified by the nation. Its members are recognized as residents of a community, or as wage workers, women, peasants, native peoples, blacks, youth, unemployed. There are lines of confluence that bring the groups closer, in the face of common enemies or misfortunes, and other lines that separate them. Within a large part of the countries of the continent there are regional differences of various kinds, which can be very deep. Latin Americans and Caribbean carry a large number of specificities. We have many common things and many that are not, and when we say "Latin American" we are right, but if we do not delve into the sea of ​​concrete issues we can be wrong. For each case you have to take into account and come to understand how each case is, and how general issues occur in it.
On the other hand, the fight is bound to be international to have victory options. That's why we feel so happy when we meet, and we get closer and get to know each other. I remember a Guatemalan revolutionary, Luis Augusto Turcios Lima, speaking at a meeting of Third World activists, the Tricontinental Conference, held in Havana in January 1966. Turcios said that the best way to be supportive of Vietnam in Guatemala was to do the Revolution in Guatemala Today we have heard Celeste, who is Brazilian, greet the thirtieth anniversary of the victory of the people of Vietnam. We have advanced a lot, in experiences and in conscience, linking solidarity with the struggles anywhere in the world with our own efforts and struggles. But we must be very aware that imperialism has also advanced a lot, that it constitutes an aggressive and criminal system on a world scale, that at the same time tries to make us think the same in all parts of the world, to make thought, public opinion and a part of people's feelings, and restore consensus to their domination.
Imperialist globalization has to be fought for an internationalist globalization, but it will only be effective if we do it our way. If we assume the forms of organization, of doing politics, of treating colleagues, of giving priority to the personal and group interests that they have, if we accept their ways of thinking, their conceptual instruments and their beliefs, their language , we will not be able to advance, because we will not be able to be independent, to be ourselves, but an extension of the body of domination that tries to confront it. Language is also part of the imperialist war. Every time we use their way of communicating we are taking a risk. Sometimes we call people "human capital." How is a person going to be capital? Or it is accepted that there has been a terrible humanitarian problem in New Orleans. No, there was no humanitarian problem, the poor died there because they were poor. The word "humanitarian" is used even to invade countries and mass murder of people, in "humanitarian interventions."
Let's not be complicit in this murderous empire.
 

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